- By KaiPaherue Kandjii SOUTH Africa has nearly 60 million people, while Namibia has just about 3 million. In the 2024 election, South Africa had 52 political parties on the ballot paper, and Namibia has 20, with a sprinkling of independents in the mix. is Namibia’s democracy crowded?
The Electoral commission of Namibia has 20 registered parties, which analysts such as Unam
lecturer Ndumba kamwanyah,
a social science lecturer at the
University of Namibia (UNAM),
characterized as “a crowd” for only
1,6 million eligible voters.
Meanwhile, the EcN’s website
also shows many registered
associations, including the
newly registered Affirmative
Repositioning (AR), which are
also eligible to contest for political
power.
“Namibia’s relatively small
population and number of eligible
voters indeed contrast with the
abundance of political parties.
“This phenomenon can be
attributed to several factors, such
as democratic expression: The
proliferation of political parties
signifies a vibrant democracy
where individuals and groups seek
to express diverse political, social,
and economic viewpoints. Historical
context: Namibia’s liberation
struggle and post-independence
political landscape fostered various
factions and movements, leading
to the creation of multiple parties
and its Electoral System: Namibia’s
proportional representation
electoral system encourages the
formation of smaller parties as
they can still gain representation
in parliament without needing
to secure a majority in any single
constituency,” said kamwanyah in an
interview with this publication.
He added that the impact on the
election process and machinery is
also overwhelming, and factors are
very complex.
“[The] complexity: Managing
elections becomes more intricate
with numerous parties, leading
to longer ballots and potentially
more confusion among voters;
Voter Dilution: The vote can
be fragmented, which may
complicate the formation of a stable
government if no single party gains
a clear majority and the Diversity
of choice: Voters benefit from a
wider range of choices, which can
enhance political engagement and
representation of minority interests,”
he emphasized.
However, in the eyes of a political
scientist based in South Africa with
intricate knowledge of the domestic
political landscape, Henning Melber,
the tally of parties and eligible voters
is nothing “exceptional” to write
home about, he argues.
“it is nothing exceptional that
Namibia has close to 20 parties
campaigning for votes in the
forthcoming elections despite the
relatively small population.
“in South Africa, 52 parties were on
the ballot papers. one of the reasons
is that in both countries, there is a
strictly proportional election system.
Th is means mandates are allocated
according to the party lists by the
proportional share of votes.
“in Namibia, this means that with
less than one per cent of the valid
votes cast, the fi rst on the party list
already has a mandate in the National
Assembly,” Melber opines.
He stresses that this status quo
is also a “tempting incentive” for
smaller parties and their leaders.
in addition, many parties have a
regional-ethnic support base, or at
times even limited to the broader
local community, the political
lecturer at the University of Pretoria,
amongst others, reiterated.
“Th e impact on the election process
seems negligible, given that this is
a usual occurrence. A long ballot
list might create some confusion
when people vote according to the
party symbols, but the votes cast
“by accident” might not change the
outcome signifi cantly,” he added.
in Namibia, he also claims that
most parties have no clear political
manifesto with a programme and
merely appeal to voters mainly
through local and cultural affi nities,
a kind of identity politics.
on the other hand, the bigger
parties, who enjoy a large and
country-wide electorate base, have
not released their manifestos to
guide voters on who to vote for,
either, he emphasized.
“But oft en their diff erences are at
best gradual, only that opposition
parties oft en include an anti-Swapo
sentiment, since that is the party in
government since independence.
Blaming Swapo for the country’s
situation is an opportunity for
all others, who never had been
in responsible positions of policy
making and governance. But it is
worthy to think if and how they
might have done better. Albeit
hypothetical, it is a reminder that
it is easy to criticise when not being
measured by the same criteria,” he
stressed.
instead, Melber suggests that the
new kids on the bloc might get votes
from Swapo.
“And whichever party will at the
end be tasked to govern, has to face
the harsh realities that many things
are easy said but difficult to be
done. With the exception of Swapo,
they would all for the fi rst time be
measured against delivery, as long
as one ignores the at best mixed
performances on a communal and
regional level since 2020,” he told this
publication during an interview.
A microscopic analysis of a
few parties paints a picture of a
worrisome prospect of ever being
at the helm of power, even attaining
their goals and objectives.
one such party is the National
Patriotic Front (NPF).
Th e party seeks to get these former
service members classifi ed offi cially
as war veterans, a recognition
aff orded only to former insurgents of
Namibia’s People’s Liberation Army
(PLAN).
Th eir plea to be recognized as war
veterans has been rejected by highranking public officials, time and
time again on public platforms, with
no prospects that such a stance will
change in days or years unless the
NPF gains political power in itself is
a far cry.
As of August 2019, the party
had no official leadership beyond
Uapiruka Papama, its acting
secretary-general at the time, and
the NPF subsequently failed to
achieve parliamentary representation
after it finished last in the 2019
presidential and national assembly
election, gathering 1,785 votes only
representing 0.22% of the votes.
To rub insult to injury, it did not
fi eld a presidential candidate.
However, at face value, the NPF
has a rich history of big political
heavyweights.
it was formed in March 1989, at
the initiative of Moses katjioungua,
as an alliance of the Action National
Settlement, South West African
National Union and caprivi African
National Union political parties.
katjioungua was elected to the
constituent Assembly of Namibia,
the first National Assembly of
Namibia and the second National
Assembly of Namibia.
Th e early party leaders included
ANS leader Eben van Zijl and cANU
leader Siseho Simasiku.
Th e other formidable giants in the
opposition bench are entangled in
brawls for power, including LPM,
PDM, SWANU, RDP, and the WRP,
amongst others, leaving voters
distrusting their ability to lead the
country when off ered a chance.
Th e EcN has also de-registered
a few parties, such as the fi rebrand
NEFF, for non-compliance with
the Electoral Act and failing to
disclose their fi nancial books to the
public.
The thorny issue of political
ideology and purpose also surfaced in
kamwanyah’s analysis of the political
landscape, saying Namibian parties
oft en share similar stances on core
national issues, primarily focusing
on economic development, social
welfare, and anti-corruption.
However, there are nuances:
historical ties, policy priorities and
leadership styles.
“Some parties have roots in
the liberation struggle and may
emphasize historical legitimacy.
Diff erent parties may [also] prioritize
issues such as land reform, education,
or health differently and their
leadership and internal democracy
of parties can vary significantly,
influencing their appeal and
operational eff ectiveness,” the UNAM
lecturer goes on to claim
